CHICAGO, ILL. – Drawing open the curtains on millennia-old  techniques and traditions utilized in the creation of African  ceramics, many of which remain in active use today, is the  exhibition “For Hearth and Altar: African Ceramics from the Keith  Achepohl Collection,” currently on view at The Art Institute of  Chicago. The exhibition, open through February 20, chronicles how  one man’s passion led to the creation of an extraordinary  collection of handwrought African ceramics, old and new.   Some 125 pots are on view, nearly half of which collector Keith  Achepohl has promised as gifts to the museum. James Cuno,  president and director of The Art Institute of Chicago, writes in  the show catalog that the extraordinary selection of pots “will  place us squarely in the forefront of museums displaying African  ceramics.”   Curated by Kathleen Bickford Berzock, the show, as she puts it,  “Explores the intersection of hearth and altar.” Most of the pots  are from the Twentieth Century and are the work of potters from  virtually every culture on the African continent. Others that  date from as early as the Third Century are displayed for  comparison’s sake, and such juxtapositions underscore the  similarities that have endured across the entire region  throughout the centuries. The range of examples is stunning.   Pots were made for one of two specific purposes: hearth or altar;  daily use or ritual. In the African communities where these pots  were made, however, the distinctions were frequently blurred. An  Osun shrine jar from the Yoruba people differs profoundly from a  northeastern Tanzanian ritual container, yet each bears distinct  similarities to both everyday storage containers and the wares of  earlier centuries. The exhibition is organized according to function – ritual orutilitarian – and then according to geography. There are storagecontainers, water and palm wine containers, containers forvaluables, ritual and ceremonial jars, altar vessels, commemorativecontainers, shrine figures and beer containers.   For as long as pottery has been made, its traditions and  techniques have been driven by the climate. In rural African  communities little has changed. Except in the oasis communities  where there is sufficient water to use a wheel, pots are molded  over or within a concave or convex form that can be either a bowl  or an indentation in the ground. Alternatively, vessels were made  by the pull or punch pot method in which a potter works a lump of  clay, punching and digging at it directly. In both cases, the  vessels were formed in such a way as to give them interesting  decorative, but essentially utilitarian, textures. Corn cob  texturing, for example, makes a pot easier to grasp.   In either case, it is their extraordinary textures that give  these pots their extraordinary appeal. Although pottery making is a communal event, each pot ispurely the creation of the artist who made it and the objectsreveal much about not only the maker, but also the tribe, regionand customs.   In most communities pottery was made by women – although men  assumed that responsibility in communities such as the Berber  oasis where there was a water supply sufficient to operate a  wheel. Throughout Africa, the potter and the blacksmith were  linked closely. Often the wife of the blacksmith was the village  potter and certain rites and requirements were accrued to her,  the tradition commonly passed from one generation to another.   Interestingly, in the few regions where both men and women were  potters, they practiced separately and often employed very  different techniques. Throughout the continent, men and women  have always maintained distinct and separate responsibilities and  pursuits.   The production process itself was also ritualistic. Gathering  clay could be accomplished only in the dry season and it was a  rigorous procedure with frequent prohibitions and requirements.  Once the clay was transported to the potter’s village, it  underwent preparation for use, steps that included drying,  refining out impurities, storage and then soaking for several  days. Temper was added as required.   Firing usually occurred in the open, although potters in the  Yoruba, the Hausa and the Mossi communities used low-walled kilns  without roofs, on top of which they stacked pots and other  materials to contain the heat. Some potters fired their pots in  shallow pits, but less frequently. Firing, with grass, dung,  millet shafts, straw or wood as fuel, was accomplished at a  relatively low heat, resulting in wares that did not disintegrate  when wet and that expanded and contracted easily.   Glaze was not usual, but pigments were often applied as slip.  Deep decorative incisions were made while the pot was still wet;  once it dried to a leathery state, finer incisions were made.  Burnishing effected a strengthening of the particles of the pot  itself and lent a compelling sheen to the vessel..   Because they were fired at a low temperature, African pots  sweated, making them ideal for keeping liquids cool; their  plasticity also rendering them suitable for use over a fire.  Despite their wide range in style, they retained a universal  functionality.   African pots are highly individual and each is obviously  handmade. Their enormous appeal lies in their singularity. Such  pots are highly functional: they are used for ritual and for  storage of food and water, for cooking and serving food and for  storage of valuables. Those made to store and transport water  were lightweight with large bodies and narrow necks to lessen  spillage. Vessels used to store grain are heavier as they were  not intended for transport. They also had wide mouths and sat on  short legs to discourage rodent or insect infestation. Pots used  for cooking had round bottoms that conducted heat evenly. Except for those pots used for cooking, which became sootywith use, most vessels were decorated in some way. While decorationvaries widely from community to community, it has persisted withincommunities down the centuries.   Collector and native Chicagoan Keith Achepohl has a particularly  good eye. An artist and print-maker of renown, he retired in 2004  as professor in the arts at the University of Iowa, where he also  headed up the printmaking department. His work can be found in  museum collections across the United States, in Europe and Japan.   It was in 1977 while traveling in Egypt that he first encountered  African pottery in the museums of Luxor and Cairo. Later, biking  around northern Egypt, he observed the striking similarities  between the ancient and the wares in current use. He views the  pieces in his collection as sculptural and it is that quality  that has driven much of his collection.   His first purchase was a late Nineteenth to mid-Twentieth Century  terra cotta bowl made in Egypt by a potter among the Berber  community. It is one of the few pieces on view that was made on a  wheel, although it does evince an impressive handmade quality. It  is embellished with pleasing squat protuberances that are  essentially functional, allowing the user to grasp the pot more  securely.   Achepohl came across one vastly different pot for sale in an area  village. That pot, a shallow one, (4 1/2 inches) was made on a  wheel in an Egyptian oasis community, where the potters are  generally men, and it, too, is distinguished by the stubby  projections around the rim.   Another of Archepohl’s early acquisitions is a large (19 1/4 by  17 3/4 inches) and substantial Songye storage container that  appealed to the collector because of its robust form: a bulbous  bottom and a thick neck. In an interview with show curator  Berzock, Archepohl refers to its “great patina” and sculptural  form that he said spurred his interest in similar vessels. The  pot is one of several in the collection from the Songye area of  the Democratic Republic of the Congo. One of the earliest pots on view is a three-legged containerexcavated at Bura, which lies along the Niger River in Nigeria nearMali. Dating from between the Third and the Eleventh Century, thepot has striated bands across the egg-shaped body and a roulettewas used to apply texture. Pottery traditions passed from onegeneration to another, and the design elements used in the earlypot can be seen in similar examples from the Twentieth Century. ATwentieth Century Nigerian spirit pot evokes the spirit of a ritualobject with a human head form that was often utilized from theEleventh to Thirteenth Century in Mali. The forms of bottles andbowls reappear again and again throughout the centuries.   Palm wine was an important offering to the ancestors in  Cameroon’s Grassfields kingdom and other regions. Elaborately  made containers for the wine are also found among the Nigerian  cultures. Beer was more commonly brewed across the continent,  usually from maize, millet and sorghum. Its production was  largely the province of women and the beer has long been an  important commodity among the Zulu. Its brewing and consumption  also blur the lines and are considered both important social and  ritual events.   The three Zulu beer servers on view were blackened by a  traditional smoky reduction firing, which links the pots to the  tribal ancestors, whose preferred food was sorghum beer. Each pot  has a distinctive shape and decorations – the shiny blackened and  burnished surfaces and the raised welts that comprise the design  signify their origin. Other examples on view were made in several  areas of Nigeria, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Tanzania.   A handsomely illustrated catalog of “For Hearth and Altar” by  Berzock has been published in conjunction with the exhibit by The  Art Institute of Chicago in association with Yale University  Press. The museum is at 111 South Michigan Avenue. For  information, 312-443-3600 or www.artic.edu.          
          
						